Site Visit 2: Lunch time activity

Site visit: 11:30 - 13:00, Tuesday 

Just got back from another site visit. Going into it, the main intention was to try and identify the social patterns/ systems taking place around the site.

What I did

• Started of by taking a walk around the possible sites to find out who were the main actors around the immediate site. Taking photo's along the way. 

• At first I only saw people passing through the site (with very little other activity), and decided to take another walk around the neighborhood.
• In this second walk, I started documenting what activities were taking place on the plots that were left over after the demolitions from the forced removals, hoping to find further clues.

Things I found 
There are various trades/ industries within Fietas that use some of the old plots to operate their businesses. A discussion with a carpenter revealed a broader network of those who work within various trades and how they interact with each other and the rest of the neighborhood. 

Activities on previously left over sites:

• Dumping 
• Carpenters workshop
• Vacant/ Closed off and unused 
• Scrap yards
• Mechanic/ Car repair
• Brick yard
• New private developments 
• Outdoor "social" activities. (Gathering, drinking, drying yards)
• Pedestrian Shortcuts

Interesting encounter

I then went back to my initial possible site to further observe activity, sitting down to sketch what activities I saw and record peoples activities. 

While sketching, 2 of the local residents passing by paused to see what I was doing. This was somewhat of a breakthrough opportunity. This discussion was possibly the most fruitful part of the site visit. 

Patric and Dirkie
Through the discussion with the 2 residents, I got to find out the the most about the locals and their practices. 

• Long time residents of Fietas, 20-30 years 
• Staying in flats adjacent to the possible

Walk up residential, home to some residents who eat at the soup kitchen 

• Related to the Community Center worked with previously in the FADA joint community project. 
• Because it was around lunch time, a number of the local residents came out to go to the soup kitchen for an afternoon meal. These are very familiar to each other and I was introduced to some of them. 
• Through the impromptu discussion with the residents, one found clues to a greater network, not easily seen at the surface level. "I can show you where all the other young people.

Sketch of Dirkie from memory

• I was welcome back to the community centre and to Dirkies private residents for the next site visit. "I can show you where all the things are happening..."
• A number of the local residents are skilled and able. (Trade abilities, various skills, bilingual). Although the environment offers very little opportunity.

Serious social challenges

From the discussion, one found out more about a few of the social challenges prevalent in Fietas. 

• "Be careful, or they will rob you"
• A majority of young people are engaged in drugs and associated crimes to support their habits. 
• Crime. One of the residents had been recently robbed, (across from the cemetery) a seemingly prevalent issue.

Opportunities

From my interaction with the few local residents, I see opportunities for exploration in the network of residents who get their afternoon meal at the soup kitchen, most especially young people.

• Contacts made offer opportunity for first hand experiences with locals
• The fact that much of this activity  was taking place immediately adjacent to the 
• One considers the concern with the nature of some of the issued faced. 

Opportunity for exploration also exists in the various trades/ industries that operate on the vacant sites within the Fietas neigbourhood. 

Thesis process: Who are the "community"

With my thesis looking at how the social realities of a place can inform architectural design, my challenge now is to identify the social patterns behind Fietas.

In the Ecosystem of Fietas, Who are the agents?

I have been able thus far to look at Fietas objectively (from a distance as an outside observer), but I find myself asking myself who are the people of Fietas, and what are their practices and rituals. 

Basically trying to understand the "software" (socio-cultural systems) behind the "hardware" (built form, and urban fabric) of Fietas. 

One is able to detect clues from the built form as to who the various agents are (i.e. residents, shop owners etc). But this is still very surface. Finding and unpacking the social patterns is the next step...

Powerful thoughts: The Laufen Manifesto for a Humane Design Culture

Was really impacted by this video... much of which I also stand for in how I understand my role as a designer. Something to consider in this early phase of my final, thesis project. 

http://laufenmanifesto.org/

Updated proposal

Got to update and represent the thesis proposals. The overall approach, I would say, is being further articulated in my owon mind in terms of which direction I see the project going. 

Summary of thesis proposal and site: "Fietas". 

Where I see the possible intervention being.  Possible site is sits on 8th street, along a proposed "Corridors of Freedom" development and the Brixton Cemetery. The sites are gaps/open spaces left over after the 1970's forced removals.

Feedback from the presentation:

- Defining terms: With the idea of "SOCIETAL TRANSFORMATION THROUGH ARCHITECTURAL SPATIAL DESIGN", it may be good to represent what I mean by those terms. Spending time unpacking these may be very helpful. 
- Because my concept has much to do with people, it is important that I find a "client", or identify and explore social patterns. I need to identify the "agents" on site, and go deeper in exploring those networks to see how spatial design can respond. 
- These will inform the next steps I take...

Reflections from Nairobi, Kenya

Together with colleagues from UJ_Unit2 we got to travel to the city of Nairobi, Kenya.

The objective of the visit was to explore informality within the context of Nairobi to see what lessons we could learn that could be applied to our local South African context. 

The city of Nairobi, though quite urbanized, has a large population living in informal settlements in the edges of the inner city (similar to Johannesburg). This population seems to play an important role in the economy of the city. and there's quite a major and rapidly increasing need of housing. 

What we got up to

Informality in Kenya and Slum Dwellers International

On various days of the trip we got to visit different informal contexts around the city, guided by members of Munganu (an organisation working on development in the slums of Nairobi and a part of the Slum Dwellers international group). 

Discussion with Munganu reps on mapping informal settlements 

The organisation works with a few of the slums/informal settlements within Nairobi, the 2 that we visited were named Kiberu and Makhuru. Through a long process of mapping and gaining the trust of the local slum dwellers, the group has somewhat seemed to become a mediator between the slum dwellers and the local authorities/"higher level structures.

I found this role played by Munganu (made up of designers, law practitioners and some others) to be quite crucial in engaging the various parties involved in the major need of housing in the city. 

Kiberu Informal Market, a crucial economic factor for the locals 

Sketch Drawn at an informal market in Kibera Slum

Kiberu Railway Housing project 
How to meet the rapid demand of housing, with limited space and resources is a real challenge that needed to be responded to in Kenya.

A "project" we got to see was the Kiberu Railway housing project. This is a large low-cost housing development provided for a number of residents who had settled along the rail tracks of the Kenya Railway company.

Retail components of the housing development, detached from the residential component. 

Kibera Housing development adjacent to the Kenya Railway rails 

The housing development was being built on the property of the Railway company. Although  the design arguably could have been more considered, the fact that the housing was provided was a major milestone after a long, complicated process of negotiations, conflict, collaboration and engagement between the slum dwellers (a major asset to the local economy but in need of housing), the Railway Company (who owned the property), the local government as well as the Munganu/Slum Dwellers international group.

Illustration of the process that resulted in the Kiberu Railway Housing development. 

Visiting UN Habitat 
We also got to a chance to receive a few presentations at the UN habitat headquarters. The presentations included pilot projects done by the UN both at an urban scale and at an architecture/built scale of a community centre in the heart of one of the local slums (Kiberu Soweto Slub).

UJ_Unit2 Students at UN Habitat Headquarters. 

I was somewhat impressed at seeing a world-wide organisation as the UN taking part in implementing on-the-ground projects. One of the presentations we received was on pilot projects that looked at implementing the policies for urban development set by the UN. 

Something that stood out in particular was the changing approach that the UN took, that looked at on site solutions to addressing the informality and housing needs. The approaches included the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program, which offered an online platform for locals to give their inputs. 

Kiberu Soweto Slum, in view of new housing development

I'm told that the move in this direction, as opposed to a mass, top-down supply of housing, is a growing paradigm shift. 

Lessons learnt

Nairobi and Johannesburg

The city of Nairobi has some similarities to Johannesburg which I think could be learnt from when responding to local challenges on an urban and architectural scale. 

Some similarities to Johannesburg included the patterns of informal settlements on the edges of the city, with transport networks connecting them to the city.

Lessons from informality. 

In considering Johannesburg and Kenya, from the 2 contexts, informality seems to be a reality that will be around for some time. This is where the majority of (both) the cities' residents find themselves.

How people make, use and inhabit their own spaces in such contexts is something that I think can be learnt from. Though the conditions in the informal settlements should be addressed, there's much opportunity in the patterns and systems that residents create for themselves in order to function in the difficult environments. 

Informal housing in Kibera. Home above and retail/ Work below. 

Another of the interesting observations from looking at informal settlements is the "unconventionality" of how the slums developed and exist. Because of how complex and how unpredictable they are, designing for such contexts would require a slightly different approach than one has conventionally taught: responding to dense sites, multiple "clients"/stakeholder, considering a systemic approach.

Where would I fit in

A growing question in my mind has been what the role of the architect is as a spatial designer in scenarios such as Kibera: Where there are various role players, each with their own needs, and rights. Informal settlements are also a spatial challenge, and responding to them also considers the various stakeholders, agency/control and how space contributes to bettering the conditions found in the informal contexts. 

I'm coming to realize that the answer to this question is one that I will be making for myself. 

Architecture exists within a complex system which considers the built form as well as the control of space with the social impacts thereof. 

The issues surrounding informality and informal settlements are far deeper than just spatial limitations. There are also economic factors, land ownership, politics and various other connected issues. Approaching matters of informality involves considering those factors too.